http://egyptology.blogspot.com/
M7 2012.
Niihau01
Saturday, March 31, 2012
Wednesday, March 28, 2012
UEIR Code Caesar 4.0
https://www.createspace.com/3515837
United Egyptian Imperial Republic
Code Caesar 4.0
Authored by Michael J. Costa
The UEIR Code Caesar 4.0 is the Laws for the Provincial Empire of the United Egyptian Imperial-Republic, and may be used as Currency by its citizens. Read about the secret country being advertised by covert intelligence after 1993. Copyright 2010 M7-UEIR.
The United Egyptian Imperial-Republic actually started with intention by Roman Consul, Gaius Julius Caesar (Dictator), when he chose to build his capital of an "Eastern Egyptian Empire" at Alexandria, Egypt. This would have sealed his relationship with the Egyptian Empire by marriage to Queen Cleopatra VII, and become a Pharaoh (divine-king) of a united Roman-Egypt. This goal was not realized due to his assassination on March 15 in the Roman Senate. Roman Senators were maliciously informed of Caesar's plot to form this new Empire, but Caesar intended to maintain ties to Rome, as an Imperial-Republic. So Caesar's spirit waited until a time when there was no persecution or obstacles in his way.
Publication Date:
Dec 06 2010
ISBN/EAN13:
1456417355 / 9781456417352
Page Count:
38
Binding Type:
US Trade Paper
Trim Size:
5" x 8"
Language:
English
Color:
Black and White
Related Categories:
Political Science / Constitutions
List Price: $17.00
M7, 2012.
United Egyptian Imperial Republic
Code Caesar 4.0
Authored by Michael J. Costa
The UEIR Code Caesar 4.0 is the Laws for the Provincial Empire of the United Egyptian Imperial-Republic, and may be used as Currency by its citizens. Read about the secret country being advertised by covert intelligence after 1993. Copyright 2010 M7-UEIR.
The United Egyptian Imperial-Republic actually started with intention by Roman Consul, Gaius Julius Caesar (Dictator), when he chose to build his capital of an "Eastern Egyptian Empire" at Alexandria, Egypt. This would have sealed his relationship with the Egyptian Empire by marriage to Queen Cleopatra VII, and become a Pharaoh (divine-king) of a united Roman-Egypt. This goal was not realized due to his assassination on March 15 in the Roman Senate. Roman Senators were maliciously informed of Caesar's plot to form this new Empire, but Caesar intended to maintain ties to Rome, as an Imperial-Republic. So Caesar's spirit waited until a time when there was no persecution or obstacles in his way.
Publication Date:
Dec 06 2010
ISBN/EAN13:
1456417355 / 9781456417352
Page Count:
38
Binding Type:
US Trade Paper
Trim Size:
5" x 8"
Language:
English
Color:
Black and White
Related Categories:
Political Science / Constitutions
List Price: $17.00
M7, 2012.
Wednesday, March 21, 2012
what is hyperinflation?
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hyperinflation
https://commodity.com/blog/hyperinflation/
In economics, hyperinflation is an inflation that is very high or out of control. While the real values of the specific economic items generally stay the same in terms of relatively stable foreign currencies, in hyperinflationary conditions the general price level within a specific economy increases rapidly as the functional or internal currency, as opposed to a foreign currency, loses its real value very quickly, normally at an accelerating rate.[1] Definitions used vary from one provided by the International Accounting Standards Board, which describes it as "a cumulative inflation rate over three years approaching 100% (26% per annum compounded for three years in a row)", to Cagan's (1956) "inflation exceeding 50% a month." [2] As a rule of thumb, normal monthly and annual low inflation and deflation are reported per month, while under hyperinflation the general price level could rise by 5 or 10% or even much more every day.
A vicious circle is created in which more and more inflation is created with each iteration of the ever increasing money printing cycle.
Hyperinflation becomes visible when there is an unchecked increase in the money supply (see hyperinflation in Zimbabwe) usually accompanied by a widespread unwillingness on the part of the local population to hold the hyperinflationary money for more than the time needed to trade it for something non-monetary to avoid further loss of real value. Hyperinflation is often associated with wars or their aftermath, currency meltdowns, political or social upheavals, or aggressive bidding on currency exchanges.
By definition, inflation is an increase in the money supply without a corresponding increase in real output causing an increase in general price levels.[8] Per Milton Friedman "Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon". Hyperinflation is generally considered to be an increase of over 50% in price levels. This increase is caused by decisions on the part of the central bank to increase the money supply at a high rate leading to a loss in its value. Per basic economic principles, an increase in supply of a good will cause a drop in its value. This loss in value is usually exacerbated by an increase in the velocity of money (how fast it is spent) as people rush to exchange (or spend) it for almost anything else. In extreme cases this can cause a complete loss of confidence in the money, similar to a bank run. This loss of confidence causes a rapid increase in the velocity of spending, as people rush to get rid of what they perceive to be a rapidly devaluing asset in exchange for almost anything else of value, causing a corresponding rapid increase in prices. For example, once inflation has become established, sellers try to hedge against it by increasing prices. This leads to further waves of price increases.[9] Hyperinflation will continue as long as the entity responsible for increasing bank credit and/or printing currency continues to engage in excessive money creation. In severe cases, legal tender laws and price controls to prevent discounting the value of paper money relative to hard currency or commodities can fail to force acceptance of the rapidly increasing money supply which lacks intrinsic value, in which case hyperinflation usually continues until the currency is abandoned entirely.[10]
Hyperinflation is generally associated with paper money, which can easily be used to increase the money supply: add more zeros to the plates and print, or even stamp old notes with new numbers.[11] Historically, there have been numerous episodes of hyperinflation in various countries followed by a return to "hard money". Older economies would revert to hard currency and barter when the circulating medium became excessively devalued, generally following a "run" on the store of value.
Hyperinflation effectively wipes out the purchasing power of private and public savings, distorts the economy in favor of extreme consumption and hoarding of real assets, causes the monetary base, whether specie or hard currency, to flee the country, and makes the afflicted area anathema to investment. Hyperinflation is met with drastic remedies, such as imposing the shock therapy of slashing government expenditures or altering the currency basis. One form this may take is dollarization, the use of a foreign currency (not necessarily the U.S. dollar) as a national unit of currency. An example was dollarization in Ecuador, initiated in September 2000 in response to a 75% loss of value of the Ecuadorian sucre in early 2000.
The aftermath of hyperinflation is equally complex. As hyperinflation has always been a traumatic experience for the area which suffers it, the next policy regime almost always enacts policies to prevent its recurrence. Often this means making the central bank very aggressive about maintaining price stability, as was the case with the German Bundesbank or moving to some hard basis of currency such as a currency board. Many governments have enacted extremely stiff wage and price controls in the wake of hyperinflation but this does not prevent further inflating of the money supply by its central bank, and always leads to widespread shortages of consumer goods if the controls are rigidly enforced.
As it allows a government to devalue their spending and displace (or avoid) a tax increase, governments have sometimes resorted to excessively loose monetary policy to meet their expenses. Inflation is effectively a regressive consumption tax,[12] but less overt than levied taxes and therefore harder to understand by ordinary citizens. Inflation can obscure quantitative assessments of the true cost of living, as published price indices only look at data in retrospect, so may increase only months or years later. Monetary inflation can become hyperinflation if monetary authorities fail to fund increasing government expenses from taxes, government debt, cost cutting, or by other means, because either
during the time between recording or levying taxable transactions and collecting the taxes due, the value of the taxes collected falls in real value to a small fraction of the original taxes receivable; or
government debt issues fail to find buyers except at very deep discounts; or
a combination of the above.
Theories of hyperinflation generally look for a relationship between seigniorage and the inflation tax. In both Cagan's model and the neo-classical models, a tipping point occurs when the increase in money supply or the drop in the monetary base makes it impossible for a government to improve its financial position. Thus when fiat money is printed, government obligations that are not denominated in money increase in cost by more than the value of the money created.
From this, it might be wondered why any rational government would engage in actions that cause or continue hyperinflation. One reason for such actions is that often the alternative to hyperinflation is either depression or military defeat. The root cause is a matter of more dispute. In both classical economics and monetarism, it is always the result of the monetary authority irresponsibly borrowing money to pay all its expenses. These models focus on the unrestrained seigniorage of the monetary authority, and the gains from the inflation tax. In Neoliberalism, hyperinflation is considered to be the result of a crisis of confidence. The monetary base of the country flees, producing widespread fear that individuals will not be able to convert local currency to some more transportable form, such as gold or an internationally recognized hard currency. This is a quantity theory of hyperinflation.[citation needed]
In neo-classical economic theory, hyperinflation is rooted in a deterioration of the monetary base, that is the confidence that there is a store of value which the currency will be able to command later. In this model, the perceived risk of holding currency rises dramatically, and sellers demand increasingly high premiums to accept the currency. This in turn leads to a greater fear that the currency will collapse, causing even higher premiums. One example of this is during periods of warfare, civil war, or intense internal conflict of other kinds: governments need to do whatever is necessary to continue fighting, since the alternative is defeat. Expenses cannot be cut significantly since the main outlay is armaments. Further, a civil war may make it difficult to raise taxes or to collect existing taxes. While in peacetime the deficit is financed by selling bonds, during a war it is typically difficult and expensive to borrow, especially if the war is going poorly for the government in question. The banking authorities, whether central or not, "monetize" the deficit, printing money to pay for the government's efforts to survive. The hyperinflation under the Chinese Nationalists from 1939 to 1945 is a classic example of a government printing money to pay civil war costs. By the end, currency was flown in over the Himalayas, and then old currency was flown out to be destroyed.
Hyperinflation is regarded as a complex phenomenon and one explanation may not be applicable to all cases. However, in both of these models, whether loss of confidence comes first, or central bank seigniorage, the other phase is ignited. In the case of rapid expansion of the money supply, prices rise rapidly in response to the increased supply of money relative to the supply of goods and services, and in the case of loss of confidence, the monetary authority responds to the risk premiums it has to pay by "running the printing presses."
The price of gold in Germany, 1 January 1918 – 30 November 1923.
Nevertheless the immense acceleration process that occurs during hyperinflation (such as during the German hyperinflation of 1922/23) still remains unclear and unpredictable. The transformation of an inflationary development into the hyperinflation has to be identified as a very complex phenomenon, which could be a further advanced research avenue of the complexity economics in conjunction with research areas like mass hysteria, bandwagon effect, social brain and mirror neurons.[13]
Less commonly, inflation may occur when there is debasement of the coinage: wherein are consistently shaved of some of their silver and gold, increasing the circulating medium and reducing the value of the currency. The "shaved" specie is then often restruck into coins with lower weight of gold or silver. Historical examples include Ancient Rome, China during the Song Dynasty, and the US beginning in 1933. When "token" coins begin circulating, it is possible for the minting authority to engage in fiat creation of currency.
Much attention on hyperinflation naturally centres on the effect on savers whose investment become worthless. Academic economists seem not to have devoted much study on the (positive) effect on debtors. This may be due to the widespread perception that consistently saving a portion of one's income in monetary investments such as bonds or interest-bearing accounts is almost always a wise policy, and usually beneficial to the society of the savers. By contrast, incurring large or long-term debts (though sometimes unavoidable) is viewed as often resulting from irresponsibility or self-indulgence. Interest rate changes often cannot keep up with hyperinflation or even high inflation, certainly with contractually fixed interest rates. (For example, in the 1970s in the United Kingdom inflation reached 25% per annum, yet interest rates did not rise above 15% – and then only briefly – and many fixed interest rate loans existed). Contractually there is often no bar to a debtor clearing his long term debt with "hyperinflated-cash" nor could a lender simply somehow suspend the loan. "Early redemption penalties" were (and still are) often based on a penalty of x months of interest/payment; again no real bar to paying off what had been a large loan. In interwar Germany, for example, much private and corporate debt was effectively wiped out; certainly for those holding fixed interest rate loans.
[edit] Models of hyperinflation
Since hyperinflation is visible as a monetary effect, models of hyperinflation center on the demand for money. Economists see both a rapid increase in the money supply and an increase in the velocity of money if the (monetary) inflating is not stopped. Either one, or both of these together are the root causes of inflation and hyperinflation. A dramatic increase in the velocity of money as the cause of hyperinflation is central to the "crisis of confidence" model of hyperinflation, where the risk premium that sellers demand for the paper currency over the nominal value grows rapidly. The second theory is that there is first a radical increase in the amount of circulating medium, which can be called the "monetary model" of hyperinflation. In either model, the second effect then follows from the first — either too little confidence forcing an increase in the money supply, or too much money destroying confidence.
In the confidence model, some event, or series of events, such as defeats in battle, or a run on stocks of the specie which back a currency, removes the belief that the authority issuing the money will remain solvent — whether a bank or a government. Because people do not want to hold notes which may become valueless, they want to spend them. Sellers, realizing that there is a higher risk for the currency, demand a greater and greater premium over the original value. Under this model, the method of ending hyperinflation is to change the backing of the currency, often by issuing a completely new one. War is one commonly cited cause of crisis of confidence, particularly losing in a war, as occurred during Napoleonic Vienna, and capital flight, sometimes because of "contagion" is another. In this view, the increase in the circulating medium is the result of the government attempting to buy time without coming to terms with the root cause of the lack of confidence itself.
In the monetary model, hyperinflation is a positive feedback cycle of rapid monetary expansion. It has the same cause as all other inflation: money-issuing bodies, central or otherwise, produce currency to pay spiralling costs, often from lax fiscal policy, or the mounting costs of warfare. When businesspeople perceive that the issuer is committed to a policy of rapid currency expansion, they mark up prices to cover the expected decay in the currency's value. The issuer must then accelerate its expansion to cover these prices, which pushes the currency value down even faster than before. According to this model the issuer cannot "win" and the only solution is to abruptly stop expanding the currency. Unfortunately, the end of expansion can cause a severe financial shock to those using the currency as expectations are suddenly adjusted. This policy, combined with reductions of pensions, wages, and government outlays, formed part of the Washington consensus of the 1990s.
Whatever the cause, hyperinflation involves both the supply and velocity of money. Which comes first is a matter of debate, and there may be no universal story that applies to all cases. But once the hyperinflation is established, the pattern of increasing the money stock, by whichever agencies are allowed to do so, is universal. Because this practice increases the supply of currency without any matching increase in demand for it, the price of the currency, that is the exchange rate, naturally falls relative to other currencies. Inflation becomes hyperinflation when the increase in money supply turns specific areas of pricing power into a general frenzy of spending quickly before money becomes worthless. The purchasing power of the currency drops so rapidly that holding cash for even a day is an unacceptable loss of purchasing power. As a result, no one holds currency, which increases the velocity of money, and worsens the crisis.
That is, rapidly rising prices undermine money's role as a store of value, so that people try to spend it on real goods or services as quickly as possible. Thus, the monetary model predicts that the velocity of money will rise endogenously as a result of the excessive increase in the money supply. At the point when ordinary purchases are affected by inflation pressures, hyperinflation is out of control, in the sense that ordinary policy mechanisms, such as increasing reserve requirements, raising interest rates or cutting government spending will all be responded to by shifting away from the rapidly dwindling currency and towards other means of exchange.
During a period of hyperinflation, bank runs, loans for 24-hour periods, switching to alternate currencies, the return to use of gold or silver or even barter become common. Many of the people who hoard gold today expect hyperinflation, and are hedging against it by holding specie. There may also be extensive capital flight or flight to a "hard" currency such as the US dollar. This is sometimes met with capital controls, an idea which has swung from standard, to anathema, and back into semi-respectability. All of this constitutes an economy which is operating in an "abnormal" way, which may lead to decreases in real production. If so, that intensifies the hyperinflation, since it means that the amount of goods in "too much money chasing too few goods" formulation is also reduced. This is also part of the vicious circle of hyperinflation.
Once the vicious circle of hyperinflation has been ignited, dramatic policy means are almost always required, simply raising interest rates is insufficient. Bolivia, for example, underwent a period of hyperinflation in 1985, where prices increased 12,000% in the space of less than a year. The government raised the price of gasoline, which it had been selling at a huge loss to quiet popular discontent, and the hyperinflation came to a halt almost immediately, since it was able to bring in hard currency by selling its oil abroad. The crisis of confidence ended, and people returned deposits to banks. The German hyperinflation (1919-November 1923) was ended by producing a currency based on assets loaned against by banks, called the Rentenmark. Hyperinflation often ends when a civil conflict ends with one side winning. Although wage and price controls are sometimes used to control or prevent inflation, no episode of hyperinflation has been ended by the use of price controls alone. However, wage and price controls have sometimes been part of the mix of policies used to halt hyperinflation.
[edit] Hyperinflation and the currency
As noted, in countries experiencing hyperinflation, the central bank often prints money in larger and larger denominations as the smaller denomination notes become worthless. This can result in the production of some interesting banknotes, including those denominated in amounts of 1,000,000,000 or more.
By late 1923, the Weimar Republic of Germany was issuing two-trillion Mark banknotes and postage stamps with a face value of fifty billion Mark. The highest value banknote issued by the Weimar government's Reichsbank had a face value of 100 trillion Mark (100,000,000,000,000; 100 million million).[14][15] At the height of the inflation, one US dollar was worth 4 trillion German marks. One of the firms printing these notes submitted an invoice for the work to the Reichsbank for 32,776,899,763,734,490,417.05 (3.28 × 1019, or 33 quintillion) Marks.[16]
The largest denomination banknote ever officially issued for circulation was in 1946 by the Hungarian National Bank for the amount of 100 quintillion pengő (100,000,000,000,000,000,000, or 1020; 100 million million million) image. (There was even a banknote worth 10 times more, i.e. 1021 pengő, printed, but not issued image.) The banknotes however did not depict the numbers, "hundred million b.-pengő" ("hundred million trillion pengő") and "one milliard b.-pengő" were spelled out instead. This makes the 100,000,000,000,000 Zimbabwean dollar banknotes the note with the greatest number of zeros shown.
The Post-World War II hyperinflation of Hungary held the record for the most extreme monthly inflation rate ever — 41,900,000,000,000,000% (4.19 × 1016% or 41.9 quadrillion percent) for July 1946, amounting to prices doubling every 15.3 hours. By comparison, recent figures (as of 14 November 2008) estimate Zimbabwe's annual inflation rate at 89.7 sextillion (1021) percent.,[17] which corresponds to a monthly rate of 5473%, and a doubling time of about five days. In figures, that is 89,700,000,000,000,000,000,000%.
One way to avoid the use of large numbers is by declaring a new unit of currency (an example being, instead of 10,000,000,000 Dollars, a bank might set 1 new dollar = 1,000,000,000 old dollars, so the new note would read "10 new dollars.") An example of this would be Turkey's revaluation of the Lira on 1 January 2005, when the old Turkish lira (TRL) was converted to the New Turkish lira (TRY) at a rate of 1,000,000 old to 1 new Turkish Lira. While this does not lessen the actual value of a currency, it is called redenomination or revaluation and also happens over time in countries with standard inflation levels. During hyperinflation, currency inflation happens so quickly that bills reach large numbers before revaluation.
Some banknotes were stamped to indicate changes of denomination. This is because it would take too long to print new notes. By the time new notes were printed, they would be obsolete (that is, they would be of too low a denomination to be useful).
Metallic coins were rapid casualties of hyperinflation, as the scrap value of metal enormously exceeded the face value. Massive amounts of coinage were melted down, usually illicitly, and exported for hard currency.
Governments will often try to disguise the true rate of inflation through a variety of techniques. None of these actions addresses the root causes of inflation and they, if discovered, tend to further undermine trust in the currency, causing further increases in inflation. Price controls will generally result in shortages and hoarding and extremely high demand for the controlled goods, resulting in disruptions of supply chains. Products available to consumers may diminish or disappear as businesses no longer find it sufficiently profitable (or may be operating at a loss) to continue producing and/or distributing such goods at the legal prices, further exacerbating the shortages.
There are also issues with computerized money-handling systems. In Zimbabwe, during the hyperinflation of the Zimbabwe dollar, many automated teller machines and payment card machines struggled with arithmetic overflow errors as customers required many billions and trillions of dollars at one time.
M7 2012.
Niihau does NOT have hyperinflation.
M7 :)
https://commodity.com/blog/hyperinflation/
In economics, hyperinflation is an inflation that is very high or out of control. While the real values of the specific economic items generally stay the same in terms of relatively stable foreign currencies, in hyperinflationary conditions the general price level within a specific economy increases rapidly as the functional or internal currency, as opposed to a foreign currency, loses its real value very quickly, normally at an accelerating rate.[1] Definitions used vary from one provided by the International Accounting Standards Board, which describes it as "a cumulative inflation rate over three years approaching 100% (26% per annum compounded for three years in a row)", to Cagan's (1956) "inflation exceeding 50% a month." [2] As a rule of thumb, normal monthly and annual low inflation and deflation are reported per month, while under hyperinflation the general price level could rise by 5 or 10% or even much more every day.
A vicious circle is created in which more and more inflation is created with each iteration of the ever increasing money printing cycle.
Hyperinflation becomes visible when there is an unchecked increase in the money supply (see hyperinflation in Zimbabwe) usually accompanied by a widespread unwillingness on the part of the local population to hold the hyperinflationary money for more than the time needed to trade it for something non-monetary to avoid further loss of real value. Hyperinflation is often associated with wars or their aftermath, currency meltdowns, political or social upheavals, or aggressive bidding on currency exchanges.
By definition, inflation is an increase in the money supply without a corresponding increase in real output causing an increase in general price levels.[8] Per Milton Friedman "Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon". Hyperinflation is generally considered to be an increase of over 50% in price levels. This increase is caused by decisions on the part of the central bank to increase the money supply at a high rate leading to a loss in its value. Per basic economic principles, an increase in supply of a good will cause a drop in its value. This loss in value is usually exacerbated by an increase in the velocity of money (how fast it is spent) as people rush to exchange (or spend) it for almost anything else. In extreme cases this can cause a complete loss of confidence in the money, similar to a bank run. This loss of confidence causes a rapid increase in the velocity of spending, as people rush to get rid of what they perceive to be a rapidly devaluing asset in exchange for almost anything else of value, causing a corresponding rapid increase in prices. For example, once inflation has become established, sellers try to hedge against it by increasing prices. This leads to further waves of price increases.[9] Hyperinflation will continue as long as the entity responsible for increasing bank credit and/or printing currency continues to engage in excessive money creation. In severe cases, legal tender laws and price controls to prevent discounting the value of paper money relative to hard currency or commodities can fail to force acceptance of the rapidly increasing money supply which lacks intrinsic value, in which case hyperinflation usually continues until the currency is abandoned entirely.[10]
Hyperinflation is generally associated with paper money, which can easily be used to increase the money supply: add more zeros to the plates and print, or even stamp old notes with new numbers.[11] Historically, there have been numerous episodes of hyperinflation in various countries followed by a return to "hard money". Older economies would revert to hard currency and barter when the circulating medium became excessively devalued, generally following a "run" on the store of value.
Hyperinflation effectively wipes out the purchasing power of private and public savings, distorts the economy in favor of extreme consumption and hoarding of real assets, causes the monetary base, whether specie or hard currency, to flee the country, and makes the afflicted area anathema to investment. Hyperinflation is met with drastic remedies, such as imposing the shock therapy of slashing government expenditures or altering the currency basis. One form this may take is dollarization, the use of a foreign currency (not necessarily the U.S. dollar) as a national unit of currency. An example was dollarization in Ecuador, initiated in September 2000 in response to a 75% loss of value of the Ecuadorian sucre in early 2000.
The aftermath of hyperinflation is equally complex. As hyperinflation has always been a traumatic experience for the area which suffers it, the next policy regime almost always enacts policies to prevent its recurrence. Often this means making the central bank very aggressive about maintaining price stability, as was the case with the German Bundesbank or moving to some hard basis of currency such as a currency board. Many governments have enacted extremely stiff wage and price controls in the wake of hyperinflation but this does not prevent further inflating of the money supply by its central bank, and always leads to widespread shortages of consumer goods if the controls are rigidly enforced.
As it allows a government to devalue their spending and displace (or avoid) a tax increase, governments have sometimes resorted to excessively loose monetary policy to meet their expenses. Inflation is effectively a regressive consumption tax,[12] but less overt than levied taxes and therefore harder to understand by ordinary citizens. Inflation can obscure quantitative assessments of the true cost of living, as published price indices only look at data in retrospect, so may increase only months or years later. Monetary inflation can become hyperinflation if monetary authorities fail to fund increasing government expenses from taxes, government debt, cost cutting, or by other means, because either
during the time between recording or levying taxable transactions and collecting the taxes due, the value of the taxes collected falls in real value to a small fraction of the original taxes receivable; or
government debt issues fail to find buyers except at very deep discounts; or
a combination of the above.
Theories of hyperinflation generally look for a relationship between seigniorage and the inflation tax. In both Cagan's model and the neo-classical models, a tipping point occurs when the increase in money supply or the drop in the monetary base makes it impossible for a government to improve its financial position. Thus when fiat money is printed, government obligations that are not denominated in money increase in cost by more than the value of the money created.
From this, it might be wondered why any rational government would engage in actions that cause or continue hyperinflation. One reason for such actions is that often the alternative to hyperinflation is either depression or military defeat. The root cause is a matter of more dispute. In both classical economics and monetarism, it is always the result of the monetary authority irresponsibly borrowing money to pay all its expenses. These models focus on the unrestrained seigniorage of the monetary authority, and the gains from the inflation tax. In Neoliberalism, hyperinflation is considered to be the result of a crisis of confidence. The monetary base of the country flees, producing widespread fear that individuals will not be able to convert local currency to some more transportable form, such as gold or an internationally recognized hard currency. This is a quantity theory of hyperinflation.[citation needed]
In neo-classical economic theory, hyperinflation is rooted in a deterioration of the monetary base, that is the confidence that there is a store of value which the currency will be able to command later. In this model, the perceived risk of holding currency rises dramatically, and sellers demand increasingly high premiums to accept the currency. This in turn leads to a greater fear that the currency will collapse, causing even higher premiums. One example of this is during periods of warfare, civil war, or intense internal conflict of other kinds: governments need to do whatever is necessary to continue fighting, since the alternative is defeat. Expenses cannot be cut significantly since the main outlay is armaments. Further, a civil war may make it difficult to raise taxes or to collect existing taxes. While in peacetime the deficit is financed by selling bonds, during a war it is typically difficult and expensive to borrow, especially if the war is going poorly for the government in question. The banking authorities, whether central or not, "monetize" the deficit, printing money to pay for the government's efforts to survive. The hyperinflation under the Chinese Nationalists from 1939 to 1945 is a classic example of a government printing money to pay civil war costs. By the end, currency was flown in over the Himalayas, and then old currency was flown out to be destroyed.
Hyperinflation is regarded as a complex phenomenon and one explanation may not be applicable to all cases. However, in both of these models, whether loss of confidence comes first, or central bank seigniorage, the other phase is ignited. In the case of rapid expansion of the money supply, prices rise rapidly in response to the increased supply of money relative to the supply of goods and services, and in the case of loss of confidence, the monetary authority responds to the risk premiums it has to pay by "running the printing presses."
The price of gold in Germany, 1 January 1918 – 30 November 1923.
Nevertheless the immense acceleration process that occurs during hyperinflation (such as during the German hyperinflation of 1922/23) still remains unclear and unpredictable. The transformation of an inflationary development into the hyperinflation has to be identified as a very complex phenomenon, which could be a further advanced research avenue of the complexity economics in conjunction with research areas like mass hysteria, bandwagon effect, social brain and mirror neurons.[13]
Less commonly, inflation may occur when there is debasement of the coinage: wherein are consistently shaved of some of their silver and gold, increasing the circulating medium and reducing the value of the currency. The "shaved" specie is then often restruck into coins with lower weight of gold or silver. Historical examples include Ancient Rome, China during the Song Dynasty, and the US beginning in 1933. When "token" coins begin circulating, it is possible for the minting authority to engage in fiat creation of currency.
Much attention on hyperinflation naturally centres on the effect on savers whose investment become worthless. Academic economists seem not to have devoted much study on the (positive) effect on debtors. This may be due to the widespread perception that consistently saving a portion of one's income in monetary investments such as bonds or interest-bearing accounts is almost always a wise policy, and usually beneficial to the society of the savers. By contrast, incurring large or long-term debts (though sometimes unavoidable) is viewed as often resulting from irresponsibility or self-indulgence. Interest rate changes often cannot keep up with hyperinflation or even high inflation, certainly with contractually fixed interest rates. (For example, in the 1970s in the United Kingdom inflation reached 25% per annum, yet interest rates did not rise above 15% – and then only briefly – and many fixed interest rate loans existed). Contractually there is often no bar to a debtor clearing his long term debt with "hyperinflated-cash" nor could a lender simply somehow suspend the loan. "Early redemption penalties" were (and still are) often based on a penalty of x months of interest/payment; again no real bar to paying off what had been a large loan. In interwar Germany, for example, much private and corporate debt was effectively wiped out; certainly for those holding fixed interest rate loans.
[edit] Models of hyperinflation
Since hyperinflation is visible as a monetary effect, models of hyperinflation center on the demand for money. Economists see both a rapid increase in the money supply and an increase in the velocity of money if the (monetary) inflating is not stopped. Either one, or both of these together are the root causes of inflation and hyperinflation. A dramatic increase in the velocity of money as the cause of hyperinflation is central to the "crisis of confidence" model of hyperinflation, where the risk premium that sellers demand for the paper currency over the nominal value grows rapidly. The second theory is that there is first a radical increase in the amount of circulating medium, which can be called the "monetary model" of hyperinflation. In either model, the second effect then follows from the first — either too little confidence forcing an increase in the money supply, or too much money destroying confidence.
In the confidence model, some event, or series of events, such as defeats in battle, or a run on stocks of the specie which back a currency, removes the belief that the authority issuing the money will remain solvent — whether a bank or a government. Because people do not want to hold notes which may become valueless, they want to spend them. Sellers, realizing that there is a higher risk for the currency, demand a greater and greater premium over the original value. Under this model, the method of ending hyperinflation is to change the backing of the currency, often by issuing a completely new one. War is one commonly cited cause of crisis of confidence, particularly losing in a war, as occurred during Napoleonic Vienna, and capital flight, sometimes because of "contagion" is another. In this view, the increase in the circulating medium is the result of the government attempting to buy time without coming to terms with the root cause of the lack of confidence itself.
In the monetary model, hyperinflation is a positive feedback cycle of rapid monetary expansion. It has the same cause as all other inflation: money-issuing bodies, central or otherwise, produce currency to pay spiralling costs, often from lax fiscal policy, or the mounting costs of warfare. When businesspeople perceive that the issuer is committed to a policy of rapid currency expansion, they mark up prices to cover the expected decay in the currency's value. The issuer must then accelerate its expansion to cover these prices, which pushes the currency value down even faster than before. According to this model the issuer cannot "win" and the only solution is to abruptly stop expanding the currency. Unfortunately, the end of expansion can cause a severe financial shock to those using the currency as expectations are suddenly adjusted. This policy, combined with reductions of pensions, wages, and government outlays, formed part of the Washington consensus of the 1990s.
Whatever the cause, hyperinflation involves both the supply and velocity of money. Which comes first is a matter of debate, and there may be no universal story that applies to all cases. But once the hyperinflation is established, the pattern of increasing the money stock, by whichever agencies are allowed to do so, is universal. Because this practice increases the supply of currency without any matching increase in demand for it, the price of the currency, that is the exchange rate, naturally falls relative to other currencies. Inflation becomes hyperinflation when the increase in money supply turns specific areas of pricing power into a general frenzy of spending quickly before money becomes worthless. The purchasing power of the currency drops so rapidly that holding cash for even a day is an unacceptable loss of purchasing power. As a result, no one holds currency, which increases the velocity of money, and worsens the crisis.
That is, rapidly rising prices undermine money's role as a store of value, so that people try to spend it on real goods or services as quickly as possible. Thus, the monetary model predicts that the velocity of money will rise endogenously as a result of the excessive increase in the money supply. At the point when ordinary purchases are affected by inflation pressures, hyperinflation is out of control, in the sense that ordinary policy mechanisms, such as increasing reserve requirements, raising interest rates or cutting government spending will all be responded to by shifting away from the rapidly dwindling currency and towards other means of exchange.
During a period of hyperinflation, bank runs, loans for 24-hour periods, switching to alternate currencies, the return to use of gold or silver or even barter become common. Many of the people who hoard gold today expect hyperinflation, and are hedging against it by holding specie. There may also be extensive capital flight or flight to a "hard" currency such as the US dollar. This is sometimes met with capital controls, an idea which has swung from standard, to anathema, and back into semi-respectability. All of this constitutes an economy which is operating in an "abnormal" way, which may lead to decreases in real production. If so, that intensifies the hyperinflation, since it means that the amount of goods in "too much money chasing too few goods" formulation is also reduced. This is also part of the vicious circle of hyperinflation.
Once the vicious circle of hyperinflation has been ignited, dramatic policy means are almost always required, simply raising interest rates is insufficient. Bolivia, for example, underwent a period of hyperinflation in 1985, where prices increased 12,000% in the space of less than a year. The government raised the price of gasoline, which it had been selling at a huge loss to quiet popular discontent, and the hyperinflation came to a halt almost immediately, since it was able to bring in hard currency by selling its oil abroad. The crisis of confidence ended, and people returned deposits to banks. The German hyperinflation (1919-November 1923) was ended by producing a currency based on assets loaned against by banks, called the Rentenmark. Hyperinflation often ends when a civil conflict ends with one side winning. Although wage and price controls are sometimes used to control or prevent inflation, no episode of hyperinflation has been ended by the use of price controls alone. However, wage and price controls have sometimes been part of the mix of policies used to halt hyperinflation.
[edit] Hyperinflation and the currency
As noted, in countries experiencing hyperinflation, the central bank often prints money in larger and larger denominations as the smaller denomination notes become worthless. This can result in the production of some interesting banknotes, including those denominated in amounts of 1,000,000,000 or more.
By late 1923, the Weimar Republic of Germany was issuing two-trillion Mark banknotes and postage stamps with a face value of fifty billion Mark. The highest value banknote issued by the Weimar government's Reichsbank had a face value of 100 trillion Mark (100,000,000,000,000; 100 million million).[14][15] At the height of the inflation, one US dollar was worth 4 trillion German marks. One of the firms printing these notes submitted an invoice for the work to the Reichsbank for 32,776,899,763,734,490,417.05 (3.28 × 1019, or 33 quintillion) Marks.[16]
The largest denomination banknote ever officially issued for circulation was in 1946 by the Hungarian National Bank for the amount of 100 quintillion pengő (100,000,000,000,000,000,000, or 1020; 100 million million million) image. (There was even a banknote worth 10 times more, i.e. 1021 pengő, printed, but not issued image.) The banknotes however did not depict the numbers, "hundred million b.-pengő" ("hundred million trillion pengő") and "one milliard b.-pengő" were spelled out instead. This makes the 100,000,000,000,000 Zimbabwean dollar banknotes the note with the greatest number of zeros shown.
The Post-World War II hyperinflation of Hungary held the record for the most extreme monthly inflation rate ever — 41,900,000,000,000,000% (4.19 × 1016% or 41.9 quadrillion percent) for July 1946, amounting to prices doubling every 15.3 hours. By comparison, recent figures (as of 14 November 2008) estimate Zimbabwe's annual inflation rate at 89.7 sextillion (1021) percent.,[17] which corresponds to a monthly rate of 5473%, and a doubling time of about five days. In figures, that is 89,700,000,000,000,000,000,000%.
One way to avoid the use of large numbers is by declaring a new unit of currency (an example being, instead of 10,000,000,000 Dollars, a bank might set 1 new dollar = 1,000,000,000 old dollars, so the new note would read "10 new dollars.") An example of this would be Turkey's revaluation of the Lira on 1 January 2005, when the old Turkish lira (TRL) was converted to the New Turkish lira (TRY) at a rate of 1,000,000 old to 1 new Turkish Lira. While this does not lessen the actual value of a currency, it is called redenomination or revaluation and also happens over time in countries with standard inflation levels. During hyperinflation, currency inflation happens so quickly that bills reach large numbers before revaluation.
Some banknotes were stamped to indicate changes of denomination. This is because it would take too long to print new notes. By the time new notes were printed, they would be obsolete (that is, they would be of too low a denomination to be useful).
Metallic coins were rapid casualties of hyperinflation, as the scrap value of metal enormously exceeded the face value. Massive amounts of coinage were melted down, usually illicitly, and exported for hard currency.
Governments will often try to disguise the true rate of inflation through a variety of techniques. None of these actions addresses the root causes of inflation and they, if discovered, tend to further undermine trust in the currency, causing further increases in inflation. Price controls will generally result in shortages and hoarding and extremely high demand for the controlled goods, resulting in disruptions of supply chains. Products available to consumers may diminish or disappear as businesses no longer find it sufficiently profitable (or may be operating at a loss) to continue producing and/or distributing such goods at the legal prices, further exacerbating the shortages.
There are also issues with computerized money-handling systems. In Zimbabwe, during the hyperinflation of the Zimbabwe dollar, many automated teller machines and payment card machines struggled with arithmetic overflow errors as customers required many billions and trillions of dollars at one time.
M7 2012.
Niihau does NOT have hyperinflation.
M7 :)
Friday, March 9, 2012
massive looting in Egypt from antiquities Mafia
http://www.alqaheraalyoum.net/videos/playvideo.php?vid=0164108b3
Weekly Wafd exposes the most Dangerous Gang Looting Antiquities
It’s Leader Escaped from Execution and Has with him tens of Armed Men
March 8, 2012
“While political parties are wrestling to reformulate the constitution and members of parliament are competing to gain
as much media attention as they can. While politicians are busy attacking / defending the Military Council and
economists are concerned about the bad financial situation of the country. While the Ministry of Interior is busy with
the battle over whether to allow beards or not, while other activists are jostling to impose their opinions in the media
throughout Egypt and while the elite are busy with these cases, there is a mafia is devoted to looting antiquities what
the ancient Egyptian civilization left us. They are no longer practicing their crimes in darkness, but in the middle of
the day with bulldozers while the Ministry of Antiquities and the police are in silent!!”
Because the Bulldozer has no heart and the mafia has no conscience, they have destroyed priceless antiquities,
demolished temples that were beacons for the world, desecrated tombs and looted mummies leaving them in open air.
Horrible information has emerged about crimes that these antiquities mafia are committing in many areas in Egypt such as
in Abu Sir, Abu Rawash, Sakkara and Beni Suef etc. Tones of Egypt’s antiquities have been stolen in the last couple of
months, much of it transferred by trucks to hiding places controlled by this mafia.
The Egyptian soil still contains much that excavations continue to find, these excavations are conducted by specialized
people under the protection of the state with the support of officials. Police have withdrawn from all the antiquities
sites leaving them to thieves who do what they like.
It is unbelievable what is happening now to our history, you can just go to el Heba, Feshn office, Beni Suef and you
would see an example of this wonder.
El Heba contains an exceptional collection of antiquities extending from the Pharaonic dynasties to the Coptic and
Islamic Periods. Antiquities that provide information about three consecutive periods of Egypt’s history.
Because of is very dry environment, the pharaohs chose el-Hiba to establish a Pharaonic archives center where they kept
copies of papyrus documents, laws and stories. King Sishonk constructed a large temple similar to the temple of Karnak
and sealed his name on every single stone.
Ancient factories were built around the temple and workers built their houses around these factories. They built two
huge cemeteries at the east and west sides of the city and surrounded it with fence to protect it.
When the Coptic era started in Egypt, the place became a unique area containing many Coptic antiquities and the same
happened during the Islamic Period.
In short, El Hiba is an example of a rare location that contains antiquities from three different eras, Pharaonic,
Coptic and Islamic. When this city was discovered in 1896 by the Egyptian Egyptologist, Mr. Ahmed Kamal, this was a
great discovery.
Foreign missions started to come to this area with the hope of uncovering the antiquities while local police provided a
specialist protection to this site.
As soon as the Egyptian revolution started and the police withdrew, the police left the area to the looters to find
these priceless treasures. The leader of the El Hiba mafia is a man called “Abou Atia,” who escaped an execution order.
He has got hold of a bulldozer and hired tens of men equipped with guns and dynamite and are currently digging el Hiba
looking for antiquities and gold within the tombs.
However, Abou Atia’s gang took different kind of antiquities from el Hiba, some of these have been moved to private
magazines in order to be sold. Tens of tombs were robbed, some mummies and sarcophagi were kept in places and others
were left in the open air, small statues and some golden pieces were also stolen from the tombs.
Abu Atia’s gang has been looking for antiquities for a year now, they have dug 400 holes in the 2km city, the depth of
some of these holes is more than 15 meters.
Because of this mafia, the beautiful and the important city of Hiba has turned into a battle field that our
predecessors’ skulls and bones scattered all over the ground. The whole area is covered by holes that these looters
have made, the temple, most of the houses and tombs dated to 1700 B.C. are now demolished.
So the Ministry of State for Antiquities has found no one to protect them and it looks as though the Ministry believes
that their only possibility is to protect the Egyptian Museum.
Sadly, foreign missions are more concern about Egyptian history / antiquities than the Egyptians themselves. Are we
waiting to ask the international community to interfere to save out heritage after we failed in protect it?
I met with Dr. Carol Redmount, specialist in Egyptian antiquities and a Professor at Berkeley, California and I asked
her about what she observed after the latest security chaos. Sadly she said that the condition of the Egyptian
antiquities is painful after the Egyptian authorities left it with no protection against the looters. She said, I live
in Egypt many months every year and I visited all the antiquities sites in Delta and I have a passion for them that I
feel they become part of me.
Q. Did you visit El-Hiba in Beni Suef?
A. I did, and I spent many years there excavating from 2001 – 2007 under Egyptian supervision and I returned
back in 2009.
Q. How did you see this area?
A. It is a complete antique city, very beautiful and the only one that tells how the regular Egyptians used to live in the Pharaonic time because most of the habitants were regular people, farmers or workers.
Q. Did you know what happened to this area in the past months?
A. Unfortunately I knew, some people called me and told me about these crimes happened in Al Heba, then I called the people at the inspectorate office and informed them.
Q. What did they say?
A. We are so upset
Q. Just upset?
A. No, they said they tried to protect the city and they informed the police and asked for help
Q. What was the police answer?
A. Nothing
There is only one meaning to what the antiquities expert said, this is that the Egyptian authorities protect the Egyptian mafia.
I express one phrase to these people who are protecting this mafia, that Dr. Andy Daily, an American Professor of History said to me “I love Egyptian history and every Egyptian must feel shame of what’s happening to the Egyptian antiquities from this mafia” We really need to feel shame.
Weekly Wafd exposes the most Dangerous Gang Looting Antiquities
It’s Leader Escaped from Execution and Has with him tens of Armed Men
March 8, 2012
“While political parties are wrestling to reformulate the constitution and members of parliament are competing to gain
as much media attention as they can. While politicians are busy attacking / defending the Military Council and
economists are concerned about the bad financial situation of the country. While the Ministry of Interior is busy with
the battle over whether to allow beards or not, while other activists are jostling to impose their opinions in the media
throughout Egypt and while the elite are busy with these cases, there is a mafia is devoted to looting antiquities what
the ancient Egyptian civilization left us. They are no longer practicing their crimes in darkness, but in the middle of
the day with bulldozers while the Ministry of Antiquities and the police are in silent!!”
Because the Bulldozer has no heart and the mafia has no conscience, they have destroyed priceless antiquities,
demolished temples that were beacons for the world, desecrated tombs and looted mummies leaving them in open air.
Horrible information has emerged about crimes that these antiquities mafia are committing in many areas in Egypt such as
in Abu Sir, Abu Rawash, Sakkara and Beni Suef etc. Tones of Egypt’s antiquities have been stolen in the last couple of
months, much of it transferred by trucks to hiding places controlled by this mafia.
The Egyptian soil still contains much that excavations continue to find, these excavations are conducted by specialized
people under the protection of the state with the support of officials. Police have withdrawn from all the antiquities
sites leaving them to thieves who do what they like.
It is unbelievable what is happening now to our history, you can just go to el Heba, Feshn office, Beni Suef and you
would see an example of this wonder.
El Heba contains an exceptional collection of antiquities extending from the Pharaonic dynasties to the Coptic and
Islamic Periods. Antiquities that provide information about three consecutive periods of Egypt’s history.
Because of is very dry environment, the pharaohs chose el-Hiba to establish a Pharaonic archives center where they kept
copies of papyrus documents, laws and stories. King Sishonk constructed a large temple similar to the temple of Karnak
and sealed his name on every single stone.
Ancient factories were built around the temple and workers built their houses around these factories. They built two
huge cemeteries at the east and west sides of the city and surrounded it with fence to protect it.
When the Coptic era started in Egypt, the place became a unique area containing many Coptic antiquities and the same
happened during the Islamic Period.
In short, El Hiba is an example of a rare location that contains antiquities from three different eras, Pharaonic,
Coptic and Islamic. When this city was discovered in 1896 by the Egyptian Egyptologist, Mr. Ahmed Kamal, this was a
great discovery.
Foreign missions started to come to this area with the hope of uncovering the antiquities while local police provided a
specialist protection to this site.
As soon as the Egyptian revolution started and the police withdrew, the police left the area to the looters to find
these priceless treasures. The leader of the El Hiba mafia is a man called “Abou Atia,” who escaped an execution order.
He has got hold of a bulldozer and hired tens of men equipped with guns and dynamite and are currently digging el Hiba
looking for antiquities and gold within the tombs.
However, Abou Atia’s gang took different kind of antiquities from el Hiba, some of these have been moved to private
magazines in order to be sold. Tens of tombs were robbed, some mummies and sarcophagi were kept in places and others
were left in the open air, small statues and some golden pieces were also stolen from the tombs.
Abu Atia’s gang has been looking for antiquities for a year now, they have dug 400 holes in the 2km city, the depth of
some of these holes is more than 15 meters.
Because of this mafia, the beautiful and the important city of Hiba has turned into a battle field that our
predecessors’ skulls and bones scattered all over the ground. The whole area is covered by holes that these looters
have made, the temple, most of the houses and tombs dated to 1700 B.C. are now demolished.
So the Ministry of State for Antiquities has found no one to protect them and it looks as though the Ministry believes
that their only possibility is to protect the Egyptian Museum.
Sadly, foreign missions are more concern about Egyptian history / antiquities than the Egyptians themselves. Are we
waiting to ask the international community to interfere to save out heritage after we failed in protect it?
I met with Dr. Carol Redmount, specialist in Egyptian antiquities and a Professor at Berkeley, California and I asked
her about what she observed after the latest security chaos. Sadly she said that the condition of the Egyptian
antiquities is painful after the Egyptian authorities left it with no protection against the looters. She said, I live
in Egypt many months every year and I visited all the antiquities sites in Delta and I have a passion for them that I
feel they become part of me.
Q. Did you visit El-Hiba in Beni Suef?
A. I did, and I spent many years there excavating from 2001 – 2007 under Egyptian supervision and I returned
back in 2009.
Q. How did you see this area?
A. It is a complete antique city, very beautiful and the only one that tells how the regular Egyptians used to live in the Pharaonic time because most of the habitants were regular people, farmers or workers.
Q. Did you know what happened to this area in the past months?
A. Unfortunately I knew, some people called me and told me about these crimes happened in Al Heba, then I called the people at the inspectorate office and informed them.
Q. What did they say?
A. We are so upset
Q. Just upset?
A. No, they said they tried to protect the city and they informed the police and asked for help
Q. What was the police answer?
A. Nothing
There is only one meaning to what the antiquities expert said, this is that the Egyptian authorities protect the Egyptian mafia.
I express one phrase to these people who are protecting this mafia, that Dr. Andy Daily, an American Professor of History said to me “I love Egyptian history and every Egyptian must feel shame of what’s happening to the Egyptian antiquities from this mafia” We really need to feel shame.
Fiji
http://news.yahoo.com/entire-pacific-nation-could-one-day-move-fiji-044612426.html
Entire Pacific nation could one day move to Fiji
Fearing that climate change could wipe out their entire Pacific archipelago, the leaders of Kiribati are considering an
unusual backup plan: moving the populace to Fiji.
Kiribati President Anote Tong told The Associated Press on Friday that his Cabinet this week endorsed a plan to buy
nearly 6,000 acres on Fiji's main island, Viti Levu. He said the fertile land, being sold by a church group for about
$9.6 million, could provide an insurance policy for Kiribati's entire population of 103,000, though he hopes it will
never be necessary for everyone to leave.
"We would hope not to put everyone on one piece of land, but if it became absolutely necessary, yes, we could do it,"
Tong said. "It wouldn't be for me, personally, but would apply more to a younger generation. For them, moving won't be a
matter of choice. It's basically going to be a matter of survival."
Kiribati, which straddles the equator near the international date line, has found itself at the leading edge of the
debate on climate change because many of its atolls rise just a few feet above sea level.
Tong said some villages have already moved and there have been increasing instances of sea water contaminating the
island's underground fresh water, which remains vital for trees and crops. He said changing rainfall, tidal and storm
patterns pose as least as much threat as ocean levels, which so far have risen only slightly.
Some scientists have estimated the current level of sea rise in the Pacific at about 2 millimeters (0.1 inches) per
year. Many scientists expect that rate to accelerate due to climate change.
Fiji, home to about 850,000 people, is about 1,400 miles south of Kiribati. But just what people there think about
potentially providing a home for thousands of their neighbors remains unclear. Tong said he's awaiting full
parliamentary approval for the land purchase, which he expects in April, before discussing the plan formally with Fijian
officials.
Sharon Smith-Johns, a spokeswoman for the Fijian government, said several agencies are studying Kiribati's plans and the
government will release a formal statement next week.
Kiribati, which was known as the Gilbert Islands when it was a British colony, has been an independent nation since
1979.
Tong has been considering other unusual options to combat climate change, including shoring up some Kiribati islands
with sea walls and even building a floating island. He said this week that the latter option would likely prove too
expensive, but that he hopes reinforcing some islands will ensure that Kiribati continues to exist in some form even in
a worst-case scenario.
"We're trying to secure the future of our people," he said. "The international community needs to be addressing this
problem more."
Tong said he hopes that the Fiji land will represent just one of several options for relocating people. He pointed out
that the land is three times larger than the atoll of Tarawa, currently home to more than half of Kiribati's population.
Although like much of the Pacific, Kiribati is poor — its annual GDP per person is just $1,600 — Tong said the country
has plenty of foreign reserves to draw from for the land purchase. The money, he said, comes from phosphate mining on the archipelago in the 1970s.
M7 2012.
Entire Pacific nation could one day move to Fiji
Fearing that climate change could wipe out their entire Pacific archipelago, the leaders of Kiribati are considering an
unusual backup plan: moving the populace to Fiji.
Kiribati President Anote Tong told The Associated Press on Friday that his Cabinet this week endorsed a plan to buy
nearly 6,000 acres on Fiji's main island, Viti Levu. He said the fertile land, being sold by a church group for about
$9.6 million, could provide an insurance policy for Kiribati's entire population of 103,000, though he hopes it will
never be necessary for everyone to leave.
"We would hope not to put everyone on one piece of land, but if it became absolutely necessary, yes, we could do it,"
Tong said. "It wouldn't be for me, personally, but would apply more to a younger generation. For them, moving won't be a
matter of choice. It's basically going to be a matter of survival."
Kiribati, which straddles the equator near the international date line, has found itself at the leading edge of the
debate on climate change because many of its atolls rise just a few feet above sea level.
Tong said some villages have already moved and there have been increasing instances of sea water contaminating the
island's underground fresh water, which remains vital for trees and crops. He said changing rainfall, tidal and storm
patterns pose as least as much threat as ocean levels, which so far have risen only slightly.
Some scientists have estimated the current level of sea rise in the Pacific at about 2 millimeters (0.1 inches) per
year. Many scientists expect that rate to accelerate due to climate change.
Fiji, home to about 850,000 people, is about 1,400 miles south of Kiribati. But just what people there think about
potentially providing a home for thousands of their neighbors remains unclear. Tong said he's awaiting full
parliamentary approval for the land purchase, which he expects in April, before discussing the plan formally with Fijian
officials.
Sharon Smith-Johns, a spokeswoman for the Fijian government, said several agencies are studying Kiribati's plans and the
government will release a formal statement next week.
Kiribati, which was known as the Gilbert Islands when it was a British colony, has been an independent nation since
1979.
Tong has been considering other unusual options to combat climate change, including shoring up some Kiribati islands
with sea walls and even building a floating island. He said this week that the latter option would likely prove too
expensive, but that he hopes reinforcing some islands will ensure that Kiribati continues to exist in some form even in
a worst-case scenario.
"We're trying to secure the future of our people," he said. "The international community needs to be addressing this
problem more."
Tong said he hopes that the Fiji land will represent just one of several options for relocating people. He pointed out
that the land is three times larger than the atoll of Tarawa, currently home to more than half of Kiribati's population.
Although like much of the Pacific, Kiribati is poor — its annual GDP per person is just $1,600 — Tong said the country
has plenty of foreign reserves to draw from for the land purchase. The money, he said, comes from phosphate mining on the archipelago in the 1970s.
M7 2012.
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